NFVCB finally approves ‘Half of a Yellow Sun’, rates movie ’18′

After four months of delay, Nigerian drama film ‘Half of a Yellow Sun‘ has finally been censored for viewing by the Nigerian Film and Video Censors Board (NFVCB) and can now be watched at Nigerian cinemas.

As gathered by GDG, Channels TV presenter,  Mayowa Ogundele  was the first to announce the news

Penning Down for Peace- by AbdulHafeez Oyewole

The height of mourning, soaring in a country soul,

Rocking and mocking this soul hitherto laurelled the giant of Africa.

Lo what becomes of her, are grenades by cryptic cliques

Polluting and violating her nooks and crannies,

Snatching and crushing her said seeds-to-blossom,

Scene of Today's Bomb Explosion in Maiduguri Market- Photos

Below are some of the pics from the scene of today's early morning bombing that occured at a busy local market in Maiduguri, Borno state.

Scores Feared Dead in Maiduguri Market Bomb Explosion

18 people has been reported dead while 55 others severely injured in today's bomb explosion at the busy Monday Market close to the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) building in Maiduguri, Borno State capital.

According to SaharaReporters, the bomb exploded at about 8.20am within the market premises, which is usually a crowded commercial centre.

A source who was involved in the evacuation of the corpses and rescuing of the injured victims, confirmed that the explosion occurred at about 8.30am when people have started coming to the market.

However, one of the state government officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity, confirmed the blast and revealed that the number of casualties were very high. He said that security operatives were on ground, trying to rescue some of the victims as well as to secure the area.

A security source, who spoke to a journalist said: "After we heard the loud bang, we immediately moved into the area and found 10 people dead and the 27 persons who were in pains from injuries we took to both University of Maiduguri Teaching Hospital (UMTH) and the State Specialists Hospital."

Meanwhile, Pmnews reports that witnesses and a brief online statement from the defence ministry revealed that the explosion was caused by an explosive concealed in charcoal laden truck. It said the explosion caused a huge fireball at the roundabout area of the state capital.

According to the Twitter account of the defence minister’s office "A van loaded with charcoal and IED exploded at Monday Market in Maiduguri this morning. The location has been cordoned".

However, Habiba Adamu, a BBC reporter in Maiduguri, said a medical worker has reported that in addition to the 18 killed, 55 people were wounded in the blast.

 

"I heard a very loud explosion right from my house and rushed to the place" a resident, who gave his name as Babagana Hausari said. "When I got there I saw many people lying after they were hit by explosives". 

 

Reuters reports that the blast was carried out by a suspected suicide bomber, adding that cars and taxis which were offloading goods and passengers were also affected . 

 

Alakija Olatunde, a student who told reporters that he rushed to the scene of the blast said: "I saw police and troops picking out victims". 

Although the radical Islamist sect, Boko Haram who crave to create an Islamic state, is yet to claim responsibility for this attack, it is however, believed that the deadly sect is responsible. The Islamist has claimed over 2,000 innocent lives this year in several deadly attacks. On Monday July 30, the Director of Defence Information Maj. Gen. Chris Olukolade, announced the arrest of a busimessman  Babuji Ya’ari, a suspected leader of the group. The Islamist is also believed to concentrate more on the north-eastern part of the country because that is its stronghold.

The sect was responsible for the abduction of over 234 female students from Chibok, as well as the murder of Emir of Gwoza. On Sunday June 29, 2014, the sect in a morning raid killed at least 56 people and burned down severalvillages near Chibok, Borno State.


In a bid to check their activities, on 14 May 2013, President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of emergency in Borno State, along with it’s neighboring Adamawa and Yobe State.

REVEALED: Why Nigerians Need To Be Grateful To The Late Sanni Abacha

The opinion below is written by Azuka Onwuka, a popular Nigerian writer on social issues and it was first published by PUNCH online.

Former Head of State, Gen. Sani Abacha, unwittingly did Nigeria a big favour regarding our democracy. On May 29, 2014 Nigeria celebrated its 15 years of unbroken democracy in the Fourth Republic, which is about three times longer than the longest period of democracy we had had hitherto. If not for Abacha, this could not have been possible.

The First Republic had lasted five years and three and half months. The Second Republic lasted three years and exactly three months. That showed retrogression. After many postponements about handing over to the civilians, the Third Republic kicked off in a peculiar way: Gen. Ibrahim Babangida conducted governorship and legislative elections while he was still ruling the nation. That experiment, which started in 1991, was supposed to culminate in the conduct of the presidential election in 1993 and final handover to a democratic government.

Eventually, the presidential election held on June 12, 1993 was peaceful, free and fair, according to the reports of all observers. The electoral body began a state-by-state release of the result as collation was concluded in each state. Chief M.K.O. Abiola of the Social Democratic Party was ahead, winning in states which were assumed would be won by his opponent, Alhaji Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Convention. Then like a joke, the release of the results was suspended. While Nigerians were wondering what Babangida’s plan was, he announced the annulment of the election on June 23, 1993, to the consternation of most people. According to Babangida: “These steps were taken to save our judiciary from being ridiculed and politicised locally and internationally.”

President Goodluck Jonathan

It was obvious that the action was crisis-prone. Reacting to that infamous annulment, Nobel laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, had said: “A very tiny but powerful cabal is toying with the future of our nation. Any further delay in making the people’s verdict official is a deliberate cultivation of chaos.”

‘Senior Advocate of the Masses’, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, issued a statement, warning: “The nation is in danger. It is abundantly clear that the military government is leading Nigeria into a political crisis of immeasurable, chaotic proportions.”

Babangida gauged the mood of the nation and retired hurriedly with his tails in between his legs, handing over to an un-elected Interim National Government, led by Chief Ernest Shonekan. A chain of events led to the emergence of Abacha as the Head of State in a move which looked premeditated. Abacha initially gave the impression that he would reverse the annulment of the election. He bided his time, while gaining the trust and support of the people. Once he had dug in, he showed that he had his own plans, which did not include reversing the annulment or leaving the stage soon.

With Abiola declaring himself president in 1994, Abacha bared his fangs. Every day saw Abacha getting more brutal. People were arrested, demonstrators were brutalised and shot at by security agencies, newspaper houses were shut down at will, newspaper editions were confiscated, media houses were bombed, bombs were exploding at different places killing people, attempts were made on the lives of those suspected to be opponents of Abacha’s regime, like Chief Abraham Adesanya, the leader of the National Democratic Coalition, which was the key opposition group, and Mr. Alex Ibru, the publisher of The Guardian newspaper.

Some like Chief Alfred Rewane and journalist, Bagauda Kaltho, were not lucky, as they were killed. People were framed up in fathom coups or as “accessory after the fact of treason” and sentenced to death or life imprisonment, including Gen. Shehu Musa Yar’Adua, who died in prison; Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, former Head of State; Mr. Shehu Sani, a human rights activist; Mrs. Chris Anyanwu, publisher of The Sunday Magazine. Many Nigerians fled into exile for fear of being arrested, framed up, or killed.

The late M.K.O Abiola

After the hanging of environmentalist and leader of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People, Mr. Ken Saro-Wiwa, on November 10, 1995, Nigeria was sanctioned and isolated by many countries and groups. Rather than make Abacha reduce his viciousness, it got him fiercer. The only people who benefited from that global outcry were the purported coup plotters like Obasanjo and accessories like Anyanwu whose death sentence or life sentence was commuted to life imprisonment or 15 years imprisonment respectively.

When Abacha finally announced the transition to civil rule with the formation of five political parties, everybody heaved a sigh of relief that he would soon leave the scene. But all the hope evaporated when the five political parties began to name him their sole candidate one after the other.

Abacha became like a bone across the throat. Nobody knew what else could be done to ease him out. Nigerians resorted to prayers for divine intervention.

That divine intervention came on June 8, 1998, when Abacha suddenly died. Contrary to the respect Nigerians are known to accord the dead, Nigerians broke into celebration across the nation.

A sticker by a group called Concerned Professionals captioned the mood of Nigerians, at that time, towards military rule and dictatorship. The sticker said: Never Again. That was the favour Abacha did to Nigerians on democracy: He painted a horrendous picture of military rule that most Nigerians would not like to experience again. He showed the military dictatorship as financially reckless, morally bankrupt and managerially incompetent of handling a nation.

Until Abacha, any time there was a misunderstanding between political parties, the opposition parties would call for military takeover. It was believed that the soldiers were not as corrupt as the politicians, nor as managerially incompetent, nor as unpatriotic, nor as greedy. Even though the military was known to be high-handed, it was believed that their actions were motivated by the national interest.

But Abacha changed all that perception. It was obvious that his actions were motivated by his will to cling to power, and that he did not care whatever befell the nation in the process.

The late Gen. Sanni Abacha

Many had rued Abiola’s non-inauguration as president. Looking back now and judging by the trend, Abiola could not have lasted in office beyond two years. The maximum he could have lasted was four years when he would have re-contested for the presidency in 1997. Complaints would have trailed his re-election and calls for military intervention would have rented the air.

Following the trend, since the First Republic had lasted less than 6 years; and the Second Republic had lasted for about 4 years; the Third Republic would have lasted for 2 years.

Nigerians are known for having short memories. Heroes soon become villains and vice versa. Abiola would most likely have suffered such a fate.

But the draconian regime of Abacha put the fear of living daylight into Nigerians. Even though the short memory of Nigerians still makes some people to occasionally praise the years of the military in governance, thereby asking for their return, yet the brutality of Abacha has continued to paint a terrible picture of military rule.

Those who lose election – no matter how below par the election is – always complain but do not publicly ask for the intervention of the military.

So, without meaning to, Abacha – supported by Babangida – had made our democracy last longer than it had ever lasted since our Independence in 1960. Our democracy may not be meeting our expectations to the fullest, but we must guard it jealously. No matter the shortcomings of democracy, it is much better than military rule. But we must eschew politics of suppression and intimidation or that of “If I can’t have it, let it be destroyed.”

If our democracy had been unbroken since 1960, there might have been brazenness from politicians, no doubt, but we would have been able to fashion out an effective way of running the affairs of the state. 

Half of a Yellow Sun now available on PanaTV for online streaming

  At last, the most anticipating movie "Half of a Yellow Sun"is now available for online streaming on panatv.com but for US residents first. As UK residents will have to wait till August 4th while the company works anxiously to make it available for streaming in Nigeria despite the ban by the Censor Board. 

The film is the screenplay adaptation of the book of the same name, written by Orange prize winner, Chimamanda Adichie and directed by Biyi Bandele.

The movie tells the story of privileged twin sisters Olanna and Kainene, who return to Nigeria after their expensive education in England. They both make shocking life choices, as Olanna moves in with her lover, the "revolutionary professor" Odenigbo, while Kainene takes over the family’s interests and falls in love with an English writer. Intimate betrayals and the onset of the Nigerian civil war caused by the declaration of independence of the southeastern regions as the Republic of Biafra, turn the lives of the sisters around in a way that they never imagined.

Since its debut at the Toronto International Film Festival last year, "Half of a Yellow Sun" has been widely received and applauded. Packing a powerful cast comprising Academy Award nominee, Chiwetel Ejiofor, BAFTA winner, Thandie Newton, Anika Noni Rose, Nollywood’s A-list actress, Genevieve Nnaji, and veteran singer, Onyeka Onwenu, it can be arguably described as the biggest collaboration between Hollywood and Nollywood.

 

Boko Haram, Poverty And Threats To Nigeria’s Democracy- BOLA TINUBU

The speech below was delivered as opening remarks by Bola Tinubu, former Lagos State governor, at the inaugural lecture of the Freedom House democracy lecture series held at Muson center, Agip hall, Lagos on June 30, 2014.

I thank all of you for participating in this maiden Freedom House lecture on democracy. I want to express special appreciation to Professor Larry Diamond for honoring us by accepting to deliver this inaugural address. It is my fervent hope that what we embark on today shall become a perennial institution, a permanent feature of our democratic landscape.

Such lectures are needed because our nation needs a broader, deeper appreciation of democracy in all of its complexities and ramifications. To state it bluntly because I know of no other way to state it, we do not understand enough about democratic governance and practice.

What we practice is often not democracy. How this nation is governed is a hybrid process where democracy is often the junior partner and minority attribute.

As such, the system of governance we practice has not yielded the desired results – the dividends of democracy have been painfully elusive. How could it be otherwise? It would be wrong to anticipate a pear to grow from apple tree or a dog to give birth to a goat. Thus, it is wrong to expect this current form of governance to produce the fruits of democracy when it is the wrong type of tree.

To think otherwise is not to be optimistic. It is to engage in unproductive wishful thinking that precludes us from doing the heavy and hard work needed to transform “what is” into “what ought to be.” This lecture series is a modest contribution toward this benign change.

Since the 1999 transition from military to civilian rule, we have effectively limited our definition of democracy to the holding of elections with little regard to the quality thereof. There are two jarring problems with this self-imposed constraint.

Senator Bola Tinubu

 First, most members of the Nigerian political class was weaned on the rancid milk of dictatorship and the imperial mindset upon which it is based. Fairness and openness of process and outcome discourse and debate, and compromise and conciliation have no place in this realm. In this authoritarian world, the ends justify the means and the only ends pursued are those that increase the power and wealth of the people wielding them. It is a top- down world where the top dictates the tune and everyone dances to it or gets kicked into the shadows.

Most adult Nigerians have spent the majority of their lives under military, or its antecedent, colonial rule. Neither one is a good primer for democracy. Nigerians are smart people and learn fast. Too bad, our history has presented bad governance role models to us. We have learned much. Sadly, most of it has been the wrong lessons from the wrong textbook.

Thus, the conduct of elections during the past fifteen years has been basically an unbroken trail of malpractice and connivance to steer Nigeria to a contrived result with scant connection to the popular will.

Instead of being the periodic celebration of democracy, elections in Nigeria have generally mocked the very notion of democracy they are supposed to uphold.

Worst has been what comes after elections. Since the winner often is not chosen by the people but by some subterranean process, he continues to dishonor the people while resorting to that subterranean process in how he rules. Generally, these office holders believe they have the inborn right to rule instead of have been given a duty to govern.

For the most part, elections have become a perverse form of modern coronation. Instead of choosing public servants, elections in Nigeria have been basically to select a new aristocracy, an elected royalty.

Government is run like a medieval court, full of intrigue and an excessive number of jesters and unproductive courtiers whose only reason for being is to use their proximity to power to extract rents from the improper operation of government.

One can only find rhyme and reason in governance to the extent one can decipher or anticipate the whim and caprice of the man in power.

Thus, we call ourselves a new, growing democracy yet we retreat further into the old ways. We slip into authoritarian darkness.

Faced with a growing number of state governors in the opposition party, the federal government arbitrarily has reduced the revenues flowing to the states in order to punish the political opposition. In effect, the federal government has imposed economic sanctions simply because some political leaders have the temerity to belong to another party. That the people are made to suffer means little for the people are not why they entered into governance. Power and privilege are.

This is why they shut down newspapers recently and restricted freedom of movement by prohibiting key APC members from travelling into Ekiti state prior to elections. This is why they deployed more security people to hover over the elections in Ekiti than they do to protect the people and tackle the security challenges in Borno state. The Minister of State for Defence has spent more time in Ekiti than he has in Chibok. This is not responsible democratic governance. It is a hoax.

This brings me to the point where I would like to say a few words about the topic of today’s lecture: Poverty, Terrorism and Democracy. In my view, the first two concepts have intertwined to form a terrible union against the third, against democracy.

Some claim the rise of Boko Haram has nothing to do with poverty. They blame it all on ideology. Some go as far as implying that Islam is at fault. Those who say this can be excused to some extent for they are as ignorant about Islam as Boko Haram is. However, Boko Haram cannot be excused. They are violent murders of both Muslim and Christians. There is not one word in Islam that supports the evil they do.

It is obvious that Boko Haram terrorists have lashed themselves to a dangerous and desperate ideology. But we must ask who does such a thing and why do they seem to have so many adherents and supporters?

Poverty is a big part of the answer. Poverty often distorts a person’s humanity. The destitute and the ignorant, casting about on their last strand of hope, are susceptible to a mean and wicked interpretation of the world that labels everyone not in that group as expendable sacrifices and objects of terror.

Again to put it bluntly because I know of no other way, Boko Haram is an extreme manifestation of the chronic and acute misgovernance that has spread gross injustice and mass poverty across the face of our beloved nation.

All nations have their wayward souls. However, in better governed, more prosperous societies, the number of anti-social actors is much less and even their extremism is somewhat muted. Because of their low numbers, they are confined to being a law enforcement problem.

But here, abject poverty swells their ranks. Here, they have become a small army. With that, they are a national security threat and a political challenge to a free and open society.

We must deal with them decisively yet wisely. Also, government must also be cautious in not using the fight against terrorism to truncate otherwise legitimate political activity by a legitimate and peaceful political opposition. Also, government must restrain itself from striking indiscriminately against people in the affected areas, in the process committing human rights abuses that undermine democracy and that become a recruiting tool for the terrorists.

As such, poverty and terrorism are truly a compound threat to democracy. Not only do those who manufacture terror undermine democracy through their direct actions. We also must take care that government’s response is not such a heavy-handed and indiscriminate one that it undermines civil liberties and chases people into the camp of the terrorists.

I shall end here that we may soon come to the meat of this gathering; Professor Diamond’s address.

Again, I thank you all for coming today that we may use this lecture to take a step toward the democracy we truly seek.